"We are very excited about the government's decision and the consensus reached by Mendoza's lawmakers," Uber's general manager for the southern cone region of South America, Mariano Otero, said in a statement. Mendoza's government would likely issue regulations to put the law into effect in August, and Uber could begin operating in the province as soon as September, Mendoza newspaper Diario Uno reported. Uber has said that the lack of explicit regulation does not mean the service is banned, and that it obeys Argentine law, pays taxes and wants cities to pass ride-hailing regulations. Uber has been operating in the capital Buenos Aires for more than two years despite court rulings ordering the company to stop and internet service providers to block its platform. Just remember the refrain ‘sow winds and you will harvest tempests’.Argentina's Senate voted 24-14 in favor of the law which specifically allows such services in the country's fifth-largest province by population, the legislature said on its website. Today’s demand for proper compensation could become tomorrow’s outright rejection of the mine. Criminalising and repressing protest will just make things worse. What is needed is expropriation at a fair price, a new EIA, and due consultation. If so, they should be subjected to impartial investigation, judicial procedures and (if proven) tough penalties.īut this should not negate the right to protest and demand changes. How people would protest (and rightly) if something like this happened in San Isidro or Miraflores.įinally, it is quite possible that there are community members or advisors who, following the example of Alberto Fujimori, Alejandro Toledo, Ollanta Humala and Pedro Pablo Kuczynski, have been involved in corrupt activities. There is every reason for the community to demand reparation and compensation from the company and the government for the damage wrought to their lives by this arbitrary change to the original project design. Today that track is now a national highway with those 150 trucks passing along it daily one way or the other. But when this was agreed, the construction of the mineroducto was still on the table, and only a rough track passed over its land. The arrangement with the community of Fuerabamba was to give them land (including the Fundo Yavi Yavi) in return for their acceptance of being moved from their place of origin to what is now called Nueva Fuerabamba. Furthermore, since it was a decision that had substantial impact on an indigenous population, it should have involved prior consultation (consulta previa). The government approved this change by a modification to the EIA when what it should have done is to demand a new EIA, analyse the impacts with rigour, inform the local authorities and promote discussion with local people. It replaced the mineroducto (beltway) contemplated in the initially approved Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) with a fleet of more than 150 trucks that pass to and from through Cotabambas, Chumbivilcas and Espinar provinces to the detriment of roads, homes, crops and livestock belonging to local people. Moreover, MMG bought Las Bambas and changed its design. Such was the logic of the Las Bambas Social Fund (US$60 million) and others launched by the Toledo administration, Alan García’s Programa Minero de Solidaridad con el Pueblo, and the current government’s communal canon programme.
#DIARIO UNO LICENSE#
But the message systematically relayed by the last few governments is that the social license for large mining projects is achieved through money. Officials, media analysts and business people respond indignantly that the only thing that those protesting want is money. The conflict surrounding Las Bambas is entirely the responsibility of the government and MMG. This is a translation of an article by Carlos Monge in Diario Uno, published on 1 April.
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